It was a long way to go to deliver a short message. German Chancellor
Angela Merkel flew almost four hours last Friday to Cyprus, where she
spent a few minutes campaigning for the conservative presidential
candidate in the February 17 election, Nikos Anastasiades. Speaking in
the city of Limassol, Merkel praised Anastasiades, saying that she had
known him for a long time and valued his openness to change, and that
the country urgently needed "structural reforms."fter smiling for the cameras, Merkel returned to wintry Berlin.
Her destination in the eastern Mediterranean has a smaller population
than the little German state of Saarland, but that hasn't stopped it
becoming one of the biggest trouble spots in global politics at the
moment. The question of whether the government in Nicosia should be
allowed to bolster its ailing banks with more than €17 billion ($22.7 billion) from Europe's bailout funds
is dividing the euro zone, causing uncertainty in international markets
and adding to the woes of the coalition government of Chancellor Angela
Merkel, made up of her center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU),
its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the
business-friendly Free Democratic Party (FDP). Now that the center-left
Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Green Party have announced their
opposition to the plan, Merkel's coalition could for the first time fail to muster a parliamentary majority on an important decision relating to the euro crisis.
The financial woes of Cyprus are a thorny issue for the German
government, the mood in global financial marks and, most of all, for
Europe's bailout policy. Ever since last fall, when SPIEGEL published a
report by Germany's Federal Intelligence Service (BND) on money
laundering in Cyprus, it has been clear that an aid program for the
country would also benefit Russian oligarchs who have deposited billions
in assets from dubious sources on the Mediterranean island. According
to the BND analysis, if Brussels released the requested aid money,
German taxpayer funds could very well be used to protect the illegal
assets of Russian business magnates.
This realization triggered hectic activities in various places. In
Brussels, the Euro Group of euro zone finance ministers postponed its
decision on the bailout program last week, while donor countries like
Germany, Finland and the Netherlands voiced concerns. In Cyprus, the
government is trying to show it's tough on tax dodgers and money
laundering. "Cyprus is no tax haven," Finance Minister Vassos Shiarly
insists in an interview with SPIEGEL.
The euro rescuers face a dilemma. On the one hand, they want to
prevent the country from going bankrupt. On the other hand, they lack
the support of a majority of member states for an aid program that would
mostly benefit rich Russian tax fugitives.
The tricky situation is prompting European leaders to do what they
always do when a crisis comes to a head: play for time. They want
Nicosia to satisfy additional conditions in the fight against tax
dodgers and economic criminals. At the same time, Brussels is hoping
that current President Dmitris Christofias will be ousted in the
February election.
It wants a change in government on the island to show the European
public that the Mediterranean country is indeed prepared to clean up its
act. Experts agree that, for decades, Cyprus has seen itself as a prime
destination for honest and dishonest investors from around the world.
Until now, someone who wanted a safe haven for his money could simply
take a plane to Nicosia, because the country is an EU member and yet is
lax when it comes to financial regulation, say German investigators.
Popular Destination for Russians
The Russians are particularly well of the island's attractions in
this respect. Last year, once again, entrepreneurs from Moscow and St.
Petersburg moved about $60 billion in assets out of the country, much of
it through Cyprus. Several dozen oligarchs and financial sharks have
set up offshore companies in Cyprus, where they can protect their
assets, at very favorable tax rates, from the Kremlin-controlled Russian
justice system.
The list of Russian investors in Cyprus is almost identical with that
of the country's richest men. Together with a partner, Roman
Abramovich, known internationally as the owner of some of the world's
largest private yachts and London's Chelsea Football Club, controls his
Evraz holding company through a Cyprus-based company, Lanebrook. The
financial magnate and former presidential candidate Mikhail Prokhorov,
who owns mining companies in Russia, registered Intergeo Management Ltd.
in Cyprus in 2008. Magnate Vladimir Lisin, worth an estimated $15.9
billion, controls more than two-thirds of his most important company, a
steel mill in Novolipetsk, through the Cypriot company Fletcher Holding
Ltd.
Owners of other companies registered in Cyprus include Lisin's
competitor Alexei Mordashov (worth $15.3 billion), nickel tycoon
Vladimir Potanin ($14.5 billion) and oil baron Vagit Alekperov ($13.5
billion). There is also Suleyman Kerimov ($6.5 billion), a dubious
investor who was interested in buying a three-percent stake in Deutsche
Bank in 2008, and Internet czar and friend of Prime Minister Dmitry
Medvedev Alisher Usmanov, who topped the list of Russia's richest men
last year at $18.1 billion. Yelena Baturina ($1.1 billion), the wife of
former Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov, who has been accused of corruption by
the Kremlin, has also allegedly moved some of her assets through Cyprus.
The case of fertilizer magnate Dmitry Rybolovlev shows how closely
intertwined Russian oligarchs are with the Cypriot financial system.
More than two years ago, Rybolovlev increased his share in the Bank of
Cyprus to just under 10 percent. This makes the Russian, whose assets
are estimated at $9 billion, the biggest single shareholder in the
Mediterranean country's most important bank.
In the 1990s Rybolovlev, now 46, developed Uralkali into the largest
potash producer in the country in the Siberian region of Perm. In 1996,
he was held in jail for 11 months on the suspicion he was involved in
the murder of another businessman, although he was ultimately acquitted
for lack of evidence. He acquired a $100-million estate in Palm Beach,
Florida from American real estate tycoon Donald Trump in 2008. In 2011,
Rybolovlev, a sports fan, bought the AS Monaco football club. He owns a
$110-million yacht, and his exquisite art collection includes paintings
by Modigliani, Van Gogh and Picasso.

But tax fugitives aren't the only ones drawn to the island. "A
classic route for laundering illegal Russian funds first passes through
offshore companies, in the Caribbean, for example, and then through
accounts in Cyprus," says Mark Pieth, a Swiss criminal law expert and
chairman of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) Working Group on Bribery. He cites as an example the scandal
surrounding Russian attorney Sergei Magnitsky, who in 2009 was tortured
to death in a Moscow prison at the age of 37, apparently because he had
uncovered a large-scale corruption case that the government was trying
to suppress.
Russian government officials allegedly embezzled $230 million in
conjunction with the affair, with some $30 million reportedly being sent
abroad through Cypriot banks. Magnitsky's former employer, financial
investor Bill Browder, who has spent years painstakingly investigating
the murder and its background with a team of half a dozen employees, is
convinced that the allegations are true. His conclusions prompted
Switzerland to freeze bank accounts, and the United States to recently
bar entry to Russian officials involved in the case, triggering sharp
protests from the government of President Vladimir Putin. After charges
were brought in July 2012, the Cypriot officials responsible for
combating money laundering didn't respond for months, says Browder.
Cypriot investigators reject the accusations, saying that the
country's attorney general initiated proceedings in the fall, and that
they are still underway. But they also note that the investigation is
complex.