For three years economic policy throughout the advanced world has been
paralyzed, despite high unemployment, by a dismal orthodoxy. Every
suggestion of action to create jobs has been shot down with warnings of
dire consequences. If we spend more, the Very Serious People say, the
bond markets will punish us. If we print more money, inflation will
soar. Nothing should be done because nothing can be done, except ever
harsher austerity, which will someday, somehow, be rewarded.
But now it seems that one major nation is breaking ranks — and that nation is, of all places, Japan.
This isn’t the maverick we were looking for. In Japan governments come
and governments go, but nothing ever seems to change — indeed, Shinzo
Abe, the new prime minister, has had the job before, and his party’s
victory was widely seen as the return of the “dinosaurs” who misruled
the country for decades. Furthermore, Japan, with its huge government
debt and aging population, was supposed to have even less room for
maneuver than other advanced countries.
But Mr. Abe returned to office pledging to end Japan’s long economic
stagnation, and he has already taken steps orthodoxy says we mustn’t
take. And the early indications are that it’s going pretty well.
Some background: Long before the 2008 financial crisis plunged America
and Europe into a deep and prolonged economic slump, Japan held a dress
rehearsal in the economics of stagnation. When a burst stock and real
estate bubble pushed Japan into recession, the policy response was too
little, too late and too inconsistent.
To be sure, there was a lot of spending on public works, but the
government, worried about debt, always pulled back before a solid
recovery could get established, and by the late 1990s persistent
deflation was already entrenched. In the early 2000s the Bank of Japan,
the counterpart of the Federal Reserve, tried to fight deflation by
printing a lot of money. But it, too, pulled back at the first hint of
improvement, and the deflation never went away.
That said, Japan never had the kind of employment and human disaster
we’ve experienced since 2008. Indeed, our policy response has been so
inadequate that I’ve suggested that American economists who used to be
very harsh in their condemnations of Japanese policy, a group that
includes Ben Bernanke and, well, me, visit Tokyo to apologize to the
emperor. We have, after all, done even worse.
And there’s another lesson in Japan’s experience: While getting out of a
prolonged slump turns out to be very difficult, that’s mainly because
it’s hard getting policy makers to accept the need for bold action. That
is, the problem is mainly political and intellectual, rather than
strictly economic. For the risks of action are much smaller than the
Very Serious People want you to believe.
Consider, in particular, the alleged dangers of debt and deficits. Here
in America, we are constantly warned that we must slash spending now now
now or we’ll turn into Greece, Greece I tell you. But Greece, a country
without a currency, doesn’t look much like the United States; surely
Japan offers a more relevant model. And while doomsayers keep predicting
a fiscal crisis in Japan, hyping each uptick in interest rates as a
sign of the imminent apocalypse, it keeps not happening: Japan’s
government can still borrow long term at a rate of less than 1 percent.
Enter Mr. Abe, who has been pressuring the Bank of Japan into seeking
higher inflation — in effect, helping to inflate away part of the
government’s debt — and has also just announced a large new program of
fiscal stimulus. How have the market gods responded?
The answer is, it’s all good. Market measures of expected inflation,
which were negative not long ago — the market was expecting deflation
to continue — have now moved well into positive territory. But
government borrowing costs have hardly changed at all; given the
prospect of moderate inflation, this means that Japan’s fiscal outlook
has actually improved sharply. True, the foreign-exchange value of the
yen has fallen considerably — but that’s actually very good news, and
Japanese exporters are cheering.
In short, Mr. Abe has thumbed his nose at orthodoxy, with excellent results.
Now, people who know something about Japanese politics warn me not to
think of Mr. Abe as a good guy. His foreign policy, they tell me, is
very bad, and his support for stimulus may have more to do with
old-fashioned pork-barrel (tofu barrel?) politics than with a
sophisticated rejection of conventional wisdom.
But none of that may matter. Whatever his motives, Mr. Abe is breaking
with a bad orthodoxy. And if he succeeds, something remarkable may be
about to happen: Japan, which pioneered the economics of stagnation, may
also end up showing the rest of us the way out.
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